Junk Foods and the Politics of Hunger

Food occupies a central place in our culture. It plays a key role in religious/social activities, and is a major marker of the passage of times and seasons. It is a celebration. Food unites people and families and marks one’s acceptance in a home, family,  or community. Food is not just an object thrown into the stomach to quench hunger. 

Not surprisingly, food varieties mark the peculiarity of ethnic nations and cultures. A tour of food varieties in a nation tells tales of the diversity of peoples in such nations. 

Over time and due to cross boundary interactions, certain foods have been adopted across nations. In Nigeria one can find restaurants serving amala,  ofe nsala, banga, afang soup and edikangikong virtually anywhere you go to. Internationally you are likely to find Chinese or Indian curry in most countries. And, the idea of an English breakfast is taken for granted.  The spread of food and the adoption of some have been spurred by commerce, colonialism and other factors.

Food and humanitarian aid were weaponized during the Biafra-Nigerian war and deeply impacted the diet and wellbeing of the people in the then Eastern Nigeria. I recall seeing that after the war, families ate less nutritious foods and those who were lucky ate more of eba made from cassava, the poor man’s crop. That was clearly attributable to displacement, blockages, destruction of livelihoods and other causes of poverty occasioned by the fratricidal war. Distended bellies were not signs of overeating, but often of kwashiokor.

Knowing that food is the anchor on which our culture is built, we must remind ourselves that for our people agriculture is a way of life, not just a business. Any policy or law that prohibits seed sharing is basically aimed at disrupting solidarity in our communities and replacing our communal power structures with ones built on exploitation, profiteering, poverty and hunger.

Food travels. Tastes are cultivated. Taste buds adjust to what is fashionable. This has birthed the fast or junk food and the related junk culture.  Fast foods caught on quickly because humans have become addicted to instant gratification. We want freshly made food but cannot wait for it for 30 minutes at the restaurant. So we all make a quick dash for the “food is ready” shop. To ensure the food is attractive the fast food outlets are brightly coloured, brightly lit and totally surrounded by music so loud your wrist watch warns that staying there for extended periods will lead to permanent hearing impairment. To keep you from pondering the food set before you, there are big screens in every direction offering you soccer, wrestling, music, violent news and war movies. Distracted and deafened we gulp the foods, enjoy the colours and sounds and go  away with a load of heavy metals, colourings and other loads in our guts.

When top politicians make a show of eating junk foods, and gulp litres of sugary beverages, they send a powerful but wrong message that obviously deviant junk culture is hip. 

Our worries do not end with fast foods. We are equally assailed by the rush of Frankenstein foods produced through genetic engineering. Many of such products are imported without queries into Nigeria. Some of the genetically modified (GM) crops are already in our farms, markets and dining tables. Those approving them swear they are safe for human consumption. We are served doses of insecticide as the GMOs are fabricated to kill certain pests. If junk foods birth junk culture, certainly genetically modified foods will produce transgenic cultures.

The biggest factor pushing these food cultures around the world is geopolitical in nature. Hegemonic control of cultural products go beyond movies and sink their claws into our food systems. Poverty, wars, debt, cultural manipulations open the way for food colonialism to take root. It is a power play arena and requires conscious efforts to halt, overcome and reverse. 

Decolonizing our food systems requires that we liberate our tongues and taste buds. It requires that we recover lost varieties. It requires that we reject GMOs. It requires that we preserve and share indigenous seeds and celebrate our foods. It requires that we expose the underlying market forces driving and influencing food system governance solely to their benefit and to the detriment of small holder farmers who feed the world and the attendant environmental and socio-cultural impacts.

We must critically examine the root causes or main drivers of hunger in Nigeria/Africa and resist its weaponisation to entrench a culture that does little or nothing to improve food systems but instead maximise profit for a handful of enterprises.

Who benefits from Hunger? Is hunger solely a question of productivity? Does hunger persist because farmers are not producing enough, even though in climes like Nigeria almost half of food produced goes to waste? How do global market relations and policies affect the rights of local food producers or their power to compete? These are pertinent questions that require deliberate attention and responses if our governments are serious about addressing hunger or food insecurity.

This session of our Sustain-Ability Academy brings to fore these questions amongst others and recommends critical recalibration of our food systems to ensure fairness and justice, resilience and sustain-ability.

Remarks at the Sustain-Ability Academy on Food, Power and the Politics of Hunger hosted by Health of Mother Earth Foundation and the Centre of Politics, University of Port Harcourt on 19 March 2026.

Crimes of Colonialism

The African Union (AU) has “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations” as its theme of the year 2025. This theme arose from the Accra 2023 Reparations Conference. In line with the theme, the government of Algeria and the African Union co-hosted a conference on Crimes of Colonialism: Towards Redressing Historical Injustices through the Criminalisation of Colonialism in Algiers on 30th November and 1st December 2025.

Working towards fair reparations for harms and the exploitation suffered by Africans and peoples of African decent over the past four centuries has been a key concern for the AU and the Organization for African Unity (OAU) before it.  The first Pan African conference on reparations held in Abuja, Nigeria, in April 1993 resulted in the first collective position of African political leadership as captured in the Abuja Proclamation on Reparations. That declaration stated that “the issue of reparations is an important question requiring the united action of Africa and its Diaspora…” being “fully persuaded that the damage sustained by the African peoples is not a ‘thing of the past’ but is painfully manifest in the damaged lives of contemporary Africans from Harlem to Harare, in the damaged economies of the Black World from Guinea to Guyana, from Somalia to Surinam.” The Abuja Proclamation called “upon the international community to recognize that there is a unique and unprecedented moral debt owed to the African peoples which has yet to be paid – the debt of compensation to the Africans as the most humiliated and exploited people of the last four centuries of modern history.”

A number of conferences have since been held on reparations and on racism as well. The Algiers conference on the Crime of Colonialism can be said to have stood on the shoulders of those earlier endeavours. I participated on a panel that focused on the Environmental Impacts of Colonialism at this conference. Delegates included ambassadors, ministers of foreign affairs, and experts drawn from across Africa and the diaspora.

Algeria was praised for hosting the historic and strategic conference aimed at seeking a recognition of the crime of colonialism and seeking reparations as the basis for sustained peace and healing.  The conference advanced Africa’s position on crimes of colonialism as systemic violence and exploitation that, alongside slavery, qualify as crimes against humanity. A call was made for a declaration of an African Day for the remembrance of the victims of transatlantic enslavement and colonialism. It was also noted that colonialism has not ended and that there are still 20 colonies in the Caribbean besides those in Africa and elsewhere. 

My notes from the event included the fact that colonialism was not a civilising process but one of wanton extraction, exploitation, humiliation and abuse of rights. It embodied the great crimes against humanity including those perpetrated in Congo, Cameroon, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique, Madagascar, and other places. References were frequently made to the nuclear tests that the French carried out in Algeria during the colonial days. The contributions of Frantz Fanon, author of “The Wretched of the Earth”, an internationalist African anti-colonial activist and revolutionary were acknowledged. The impacts of colonialism on education, economy and other spheres of life were stressed and disruption of African or Africa’s? culture was highlighted as the destruction of the glue that holds African peoples together. 

The high-level ministerial panel on the topic From Recognition to Codification: Criminalising Colonialism in International Law showed that colonialism is a system and not an event and cannot be successfully fought without strategic plans. Such plans and actions must include ways of bringing back African systems of governance through education. Discussions around the human and generational impacts of colonialism underscored the health and genetic effects of nuclear tests as well as intentional spread of disease, displacements and other acts of violence. 

Permit me to share some points I put across on the panel on Environmental Impacts of Colonialism. The first point was that colonialism and neocolonialism will not end except coloniality is erased. The persistence of colonialty of power and knowledge reinforces the continuation of colonialism in new forms. These produce extreme and destructive exploitation. And we must not forget, as Kwame Nkrumah stated in his book on Neocolonialism, that the worst form of imperialism is exploitation without responsibility. This mode of rapacious exploitation persists on the continent.

Another key point is that colonialism was birthed and nourished by extractivism. It was all about controlling the colonies or sacrifice zones to the benefit of the colonizers’ home territories which were considered sacred and untouchable.  Colonialism extracts nearly anything: labour, data, cultures, minerals, finance and is virtually insatiable. Colonialism’s emphasis on land dispossession, resource extraction, and cultural destruction frequently resulted in ecocidal practices as they were extensive, intentional, persistent and often irreversible. The fact that the environmental crimes are continuous and persistent can be seen in the ongoing degradation of the Niger Delta where oil and gas has been destructively extracted from colonial times to the present. Other examples include extraction of gold in Obuasi in Ghana, coal in Whitbank in South Africa, oil in the Sudd, South Sudan, gas in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, colonial extraction of so-called critical minerals in DR Congo and the notorious extraction of uranium in Niger Republic. 

The environmental impacts of colonialism also appear through carbon colonialism which is also manifesting as a continent-scale land grab. The time has come for the halting of colonial extraction in all ramifications and a recognition of the ecological/climate debt being owed Africa, as part of the needed reparations. In other words, climate finance should be approached from the platform of ecological and climate debt.

To get off the rut, the AU should produce a model law on Rights of Nature to be adopted by all African nations. Secondly, the AU should promote the codification and utilisation of African environmentalism built on African philosophies, culture and cosmology. The AU should also recognize and promote grassroots initiatives for halting expansion of fossil fuels sacrifice zones and towards resource democracy using the Ogoni example in Nigeria and the Yasuni experience in Ecuador as examples. Finally, the map of Africa requires urgent review with the abolition and erasure of divisive, thoughtless, colonial boundaries, as those were mere demarcations of zones of ownership, control and exploitation by the colonialists. 

Coming away from the conference I kept ruminating on a strong advice offered by Eric Phillips, Vice Chair, CARICOM Slavery Reparation Commission. He said, “We must not be prisoners of our past, but architects of our future.” It was a call for action for all, but the tasks rest especially on African political leaders. Will they rise to the occasion and show leadership?